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Where
women bore the brunt
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By Raka Roy
Among the women surviving in relief camps are many who have suffered the
most bestial forms of sexual violence — including rape, gang rape, mass
rape, stripping, insertion of objects into their body, and molestations. A
majority of rape victims have been burnt alive. — Citizens' Initiative,
``The Survivors Speak,'' April 16, 2002.
General Westmoreland, commander of all U.S. troops in the war against
Vietnam, once infamously claimed that the enormous loss of life suffered
by the Vietnamese was not really comparable to the deaths of Americans
because ``Orientals attach less value to life than Westerners''. A
seven-year-old boy said to a friend of mine the other day ``There are so
many Muslims in India, so what if some of them die.'' How did he learn the
lesson so quickly? At how young an age do we realise that some people are
more human than others that they deserve to die less frequently, to be
mourned and glorified in their deaths, while others don't? When do we
learn that We belong to those who deserve to live and They don't?
It is not easy to rape a woman, to burn her, or to cut her foetus out of
her body. It requires some effort. But in February this year, this effort
was successfully and collectively achieved in Ahmedabad, as we learn from
the report of the Citizen's Initiative fact-finding team of women. The
report makes it clear that young Muslim girls, pregnant women, women with
new-born babies were chased, caught, raped, cut, pierced, stabbed, and
burnt. How did this come to pass? How did groups of men come to believe
that such deeds could and should be done? Let us examine the steps.
First, you must have a people that are considered inferior by another
people. It is achieved by years of hard ideological work, to turn the
population into the deadly Other. This Other has no feelings, cannot be
trusted, is dirty, deserves to be punished, and is not as human as We are.
Where does the creation of the inferior other in India begin? Does it
begin with the organising principle of Hindu society caste? So successful
has this principle of inherent and dehumanising inequality been that it
appears to be rooted in our collective memory. Or does it begin with the
servant in the middle class home who exists to meet the needs of a middle
class child. It comes easily to us to slap someone we disagree with, to
abuse those who are younger or lower on the totem pole than us, to
consider outrageous any claim of a subordinate to humanity.
But the creation of populations of the ``other'' is only the beginning.
The second step is the belief that women are not only inferior but also
woman's sexuality has to be patrolled so that it is legitimately
accessible to some men and inaccessible to others. Witness the spate of
murders of women who dare marry outside their community. Young girls and
boys learn early that a woman's body is to be monitored, controlled by,
and accessible to a chosen few. A girl, in particular, learns quickly that
her parents' honour and happiness is contingent on her conformity to
appropriate dress and behavioural codes. But sometimes she realises too
late that her body may be torn apart and destroyed because she has dared
to love another human being without permission. A woman's body ultimately
belongs to her community not to herself.
After we have learnt how to consider those who are not Us different and
inferior, and we have learnt about the need to control and punish women,
we must then take the third step and identify the target population and
it's women. Well that is easily done in this case. As Urvashi Butalia,
Ritu Menon and Kamala Bhasin have shown, the Us and Them feelings of
communities during Partition created protected and protectable women on
one side and unprotected and rapable women on the other side. The
populations were identified at Partition and then stored in the collective
memory to be whipped into frenzy when necessary. The violence was kept
alive by stories, jokes, implicit rules, and writings that swirled
underground in the darkness of both Hindu and Muslim subconscious, until
they dared to emerge in the public eye. Now, as the Sangh Parivar reigns,
these feelings and hatreds are acceptable public discourse, particularly
for the majority Hindu community. So Varsha Bhosle writes mockingly of ``Mosies''
in her unspeakable column in Rediff, and becomes a folk hero. To the
West's focus on the figure of the dangerous Arab, we in India, delightedly
throw in our prejudices. Muslims have always been different, their women
are both deeply oppressed and licentious, and the men sexually depraved
and cruel. Didn't you know?
For communal rapes on a mass scale we need still other conditions, the
most important of which is a complicit state. This means we must have
police who laugh or join in, leaders who blatantly discriminate and lie,
and courts, which do not prosecute. The first and second conditions have
been successfully achieved. The police at worst abetted the violence, or
refused to lodge FIRs, and at best did nothing. Every government official
who stood up against the violence has been harassed or transferred. The
BJP MLA of one of the worst-hit areas of Ahmedabad explained away the
violence by referring to the ``natural'' hatred (ghrina) of Hindus for
Muslims, the Chief Minister of Gujarat similarly referred to the ``natural
and justified anger'' of the people of his State, while the Prime Minister
focussed his criticisms on the ``trouble-making Muslims''. The extent of
the courts' complicity is still to be seen.
The final ingredient of this ghoulish recipe is essential — a nation full
of people to either secretly gloat that these ghastly acts occurred, or
even worse, to pretend it didn't happen. Equally complicit are those who
shudder delicately that these things could happen in ``our country'', and
assign blame to a group of people, that scapegoat of the upper classes,
the ``anti-social element''. Not Us.
When all of these are in place, why then, we will have created not one
rapist but a nation full of them.
(The writer is
Associate Professor of Sociology, University of California, Berkeley.)
These are the accounts of some of the women out of thousands, who chose to
spoke. They were just like you and me. Mother's and Sisters of people,
just like you and me. Living in a society and feeling secure amidst their
people until the catastrophe struck. Passing their lives without hurting
anyone , Just like you and me. So where did they go wrong? Any
suggestions? Are there any lessons to be learnt?
Reader's Comment:
WHERE are the deaf, dumb and blind crusaders of human rights who cannot act
against criminals who openly persecute womenfolk, be it in Gujarat,
Afghanistan and recently in Pakistan as well?
For years, these human-rights advocates have been busy concocting stories
about the discrimination of women under Taleban regime. they fraudulently
mobilised all resources of the world to eliminate them. The Taleban have
actually been ensuring the safety and honour of all residents irrespective
of gender, language, nationality and religion. The only problem with them
was that they refused to be Uncle Sam's stooges. Did we ever hear of people
belonging to the religious minorities being killed during the Taleban era?
Violence, coercion, corruption and exploitation of human rights have been
rampant ever since the US and its allies waged aggression in the name of a
'war against terror'. How long will mankind continue to suffer? And how long
will it continue to condone such exploitation?
Even critics of the Taleban government now realise that the establishment of
a peaceful society demands Taleban-styled honest rulers to ensure justice,
equality and tranquillity among people, which neither Bush nor his minions
like Musharraf and Karzai can deliver. - Khalid Saleh, Doha, Qatar
Question:
I believe that a rape victim
has to provide two male witnesses to prove that she was raped. How is it
possible that she can do that?
Answer: Muslim jurists are generally of the opinion that
to evidence a case of rape, the victim has to provide four (not two)
witnesses to prove the case. The basis of the Jurist's opinion is the
Qur'anic directive regarding the evidence required to start any legal
proceedings against persons who have been accused of fornication.
However, a close look at the related verse of the Qur'an shows that it
neither relates to the required evidence for rape cases nor for that of
ordinary cases of fornication. On the contrary, it relates to the particular
situation in which a person, who is generally known to be chaste and pious,
is accused of fornication. For this particular case, the Qur'an says:
Those who accuse chaste women of fornication and then do not provide four
witnesses [to evidence their accusation] strike them with eighty strips and
do not accept their witness ever after. (Al-Noor 24: 4)
Keeping the stresses of the words of the referred verse in perspective, it
is quite clear that the verse does not relate to the evidence required to
prove a case of rape. On the contrary, it actually relates to protecting
chaste women (as well as men) from false accusations of fornication. In
other words, the verse is not prescribing the minimum number of witnesses to
prove a case of rape or fornication; it is actually prescribing the minimum
number of witnesses, which must be present and willing to testify against
those accused of fornication, to initiate any court proceedings or to admit
a case against such accused. This is quite clear from the fact that in the
absence of the prescribed number of witnesses, the verse prescribes a severe
punishment for the person/persons making the accusation.
Thus, according to my understanding of the related verse, the referred
opinion of the Muslim jurists is not very accurate.
Furthermore, even if it is accepted that the verse prescribes the number of
witnesses to prove a case of fornication, as has generally been derived by
the Muslim jurists, it would still not be correct, in my opinion, to draw an
analogy between rape and fornication, especially in the case of the
requirement of witnesses. I am sure you would agree with me that nothing,
besides the fact that both the crimes relate to sex, is common between rape
and fornication. It is obvious that in the case of fornication, there is,
generally, no aggrieved party, which may be termed as a complainant (in its
literal sense). On the contrary, a case of fornication is, generally,
initiated with an accusation on two persons (a man and a woman), who have
willingly (with mutual consent) indulged in an act considered to be a crime
in the Islamic Shari`ah. The reason for this peculiar position of
fornication is that - in contrast to other crimes like theft, murder,
robbery and even rape - fornication is a crime in which neither of the
parties directly involved in it assumes the role of a complainant. The
complainant, in the case of fornication, is generally a third party, not
directly involved in the crime (which may, therefore, be more accurately
termed as an 'accuser'). The position of a rape victim is, obviously, not
comparable to that of one of the two (or more) parties to fornication. I,
therefore, do not agree with the opinion of the majority of the Muslim
jurists, who have drawn an analogy between a rape victim and a party to
fornication and, therefore, are of the opinion that the evidence required to
prove a case of rape is the same as the one required in proving a case of
fornication[1].
In my opinion, the Shari`ah has not given any strict guidelines or rules
regarding how to prove a case of rape, just as no strict and universal
guidelines and rules have been given by the Shari`ah regarding the methods
of proving any other crime. The reason for this silence of the Shari`ah, in
the referred case, is quite obvious. We know that the methods employed in
evidencing crimes greatly rely upon the human developments in the field of
forensics and other investigative disciplines. Thus, the methods that can so
easily be employed in the modern day were more or less unimaginable just a
few years ago. Had the Shari`ah prescribed any rules regarding the methods
of proving a crime, such methods would have become redundant with any
developments in the field of forensics and other investigative disciplines.
In view of the above explanation, it is my opinion that the case of rape, as
any other crime, except an accusation of fornication, does not require the
complainant to provide a given number of witnesses, for the initiation of
any legal proceedings. On the contrary, when a victim of rape - which is
actually an aggrieved party in a crime rather than a party to it - brings
her complaint to an authority, it is not merely an accusation, on the
contrary, it is in fact a complaint of an injustice that she has suffered at
the hands of the accused. In such a case, the legal authority, if it is
satisfied[2] of the complainant's appeal, may initiate any legal proceedings
against the accused even if the complainant does not have any witnesses to
prove her claim. The case shall, subsequently, be decided on the basis of
all such evidence, which is considered admissible by the competent legal
authority.
Query answered by : Shk
Moiz Amjad
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